Wednesday, June 11, 2025

The Letter and Its Fatal Folly

The letter in question is a joint declaration by nine EU member states – Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and the Czech Republic – expressing concern about the European Court of Human Rights' (ECtHR) handling of “interim measures,” particularly in the context of migration and asylum cases. They contend that the Court’s use of these measures has “expanded” in a way that intrudes on national sovereignty and undermines democratic decision-making.

What strikes the reader immediately – indeed, what should strike any clear-eyed observer – is the hubristic temerity of nine democracies, ostensibly defenders of the very rule of law they now chide. In their eagerness to curtail the ECtHR’s reach, they reveal not a principled commitment to constitutional democracy but a nervous fealty to the most uncharitable instincts of populist governments.

A Blunder of High Order

To be sure, interim measures – the Court’s emergency tool to prevent “irreparable harm” before a final ruling – are a powerful instrument. But so is a surgeon’s scalpel, and few would suggest that a scalpel be confiscated because it may occasionally nick the skin. These measures are rare, temporary, and – crucially – subject to scrutiny. In fact, they are the Court’s answer to precisely the kind of catastrophic state error that these nine countries claim to abhor in theory.

What these governments miss – or perhaps willfully ignore – is that the ECtHR exists not to rubber-stamp national sovereignty but to stand as a bulwark when that sovereignty devolves into tyranny or negligence. In other words, to ensure that Europe never again slides into the abyss from which it once emerged bloodied and battered.

The Disservice to Citizens

For the citizens of these nine states, the letter is a betrayal. It signals to the world that their governments prefer procedural expedience over substantive justice – that they see the rule of law as a nuisance when it slows their political ends. The letter’s icy phrasing, heavy with the self-assurance of technocrats, masks a deeply anti-democratic impulse: the idea that the law should only apply when convenient.

It is not the ECtHR’s interim measures that offend the democratic order – it is this letter’s demand to gut them. If states are permitted to decide when and how they comply with international law, then international law ceases to exist. What remains is not democracy, but a cynical masquerade of it.

Playing into the Hands of the Kremlin

Most damning of all, this letter is a gift to the most malign actor in Europe today: Vladimir Putin. By publicly questioning the authority of the ECtHR, these governments lend credence to the Russian narrative that international law is a political cudgel wielded by the West. The Kremlin has long argued that “Western” human rights are a form of neo-colonialism. Here, these nine governments unwittingly echo that sentiment, playing directly into the hands of those who would see the entire European human rights architecture reduced to rubble.

A Sharp Rebuke

One must ask: is the ECtHR perfect? Of course not. No institution is, and the Court itself is no stranger to criticism. But to dismantle one of its core protective functions in the name of “efficiency” is akin to amputating a leg to cure a blister.

The letter’s signatories have misjudged the moment. In an era of rising authoritarianism, the Court’s independence is not an obstacle to democracy – it is democracy’s last redoubt. By weakening the ECtHR, these governments weaken themselves, their citizens, and the fragile democratic consensus that has kept Europe from devouring itself again.

One can only hope that wiser heads prevail. For if they do not, and the ECtHR’s authority is allowed to wither under such cowardly attacks, then the consequences will be felt not only in Strasbourg, but in every country that once believed “never again” was more than a slogan.

Wednesday, February 26, 2025

The Misleading Media Narrative of a Ukrainian Teen "Deported to War"

A recent story about 18-year-old Anastasiia Bigun has garnered significant attention in Swedish media, with emotional headlines proclaiming a teenage girl is being "deported to war-torn Ukraine" while her family remains in Sweden. Local newspaper Norran even took the unusual step of publishing the story in English, seemingly to attract international outrage. But this narrative fundamentally misrepresents the situation and spreads harmful misinformation about Sweden's migration policies.

The Simple Reality Behind the Headlines

The crucial fact missing from these sensationalized reports is straightforward: Anastasiia can immediately apply for protection under the EU's Temporary Protection Directive for Ukrainians. This is the same protection that tens of thousands of Ukrainian citizens have received since Russia's full-scale invasion began.

This protection would grant her:

  • Legal residence in Sweden
  • The right to work
  • Access to education
  • Healthcare and social services

The application process is streamlined for Ukrainian citizens, and approvals typically come quickly. There is virtually no scenario where Anastasiia would actually be forced to return to Ukraine under current conditions.

The Real Issue: Permanent vs. Temporary Status

What's actually happening is that Anastasiia's family members received permanent residence permits through work-related channels, while she – having recently turned 18 – did not meet the specific legal requirements for a permanent permit through family ties.

The Migration Agency's assessment that she doesn't qualify for permanent residence doesn't mean she faces deportation to a war zone. It simply means she would need to use the temporary protection pathway designed specifically for Ukrainians fleeing the war.

Media Responsibility in Migration Reporting

Norran's decision to publish this story in English, with dramatic framing suggesting Sweden is sending a teenager into a war zone, represents a concerning example of how migration issues are sensationalized. The English version appears designed to provoke international criticism of Swedish authorities, despite omitting the fundamental context that would allow readers to understand the situation accurately.

This type of reporting harms public discourse on migration issues and creates unnecessary anxiety among other migrants who may fear similar treatment. It also undermines trust in both media and migration authorities.

Why This Matters

The distinction between "not qualifying for permanent residence through family ties" and "being deported to a war zone" is not a minor semantic point – it's the difference between an accurate portrayal of migration policy and dangerous misinformation.

Anastasiia's preference for permanent rather than temporary status is understandable. Many Ukrainians under temporary protection face uncertainty about their long-term future in Sweden. But framing this administrative distinction as Sweden callously sending a teenager into danger misrepresents reality.

For the thousands of Ukrainians currently protected under the temporary directive, such reporting may even create unwarranted fears about their own situations.

In times of war and displacement, responsible media coverage matters more than ever. Ukrainians deserve accurate information about their protection options, not sensationalized stories that obscure the very mechanisms designed to keep them safe.

Tuesday, February 25, 2025

Missvisande rapportering om förvarstagande

 I Thord Erikssons artikel om Joseph Popa på Migrationsverkets förvar i Gävle ("Joseph Popa tvingades krypa fram av smärta på Migrationsverkets förvar", DN 3/2) presenteras en problematisk och missvisande bild av Sveriges migrationssystem.


Artikeln inleds med en vilseledande premiss när Eriksson påpekar att Popa sattes i förvar "inte för att han är kriminell utan för att han har fått avslag på sin asylansökan." Detta visar på en fundamental missförståelse av syftet med förvar. Förvarsenheter är specifikt utformade för personer som väntar på utvisning och som vägrat lämna landet frivilligt - de är inte till för kriminella, som istället placeras i fängelser. Denna distinktion är avgörande och borde vara välkänd för en erfaren journalist.


Eriksson bygger sitt resonemang kring Popas påstådda ryggsmärtor och behov av rullstol, och förlitar sig helt på obekräftade påståenden. Han gör stort nummer av att Popa saknar en proper medicinsk diagnos och presenterar detta som bevis på systemiskt misslyckande. Men avsaknaden av medicinsk dokumentation kan lika gärna tolkas som att det inte finns något legitimt medicinskt tillstånd - en möjlighet som Eriksson väljer att bortse från.


Det journalistiska hantverket blir särskilt tvivelaktigt när Eriksson försöker etablera ett orsakssamband mellan sin förfrågan till Migrationsverkets presstjänst och att Popa därefter fick en rullstol. Detta är ett typexempel på det logiska felslutet post hoc ergo propter hoc - att anta att eftersom B följde efter A måste A ha orsakat B. Det kan finnas många andra förklaringar till händelsernas timing.


Erikssons användning av asylstatistik är också problematisk. Han noterar att Sverige godkände "knappt tre av tio" asylansökningar och jämför detta ofördelaktigt med EU-genomsnittet. Jämförelsen saknar relevant kontext om ansökningarnas karaktär. Om Sverige tar emot en högre andel ansökningar som inte uppfyller asylkriterierna är en lägre godkännandegrad precis vad som bör förväntas - såvida man inte anser att ansökningar borde godkännas oavsett merit bara för att matcha EU:s statistik.


Försöket att dra paralleller mellan Migrationsverket och Försäkringskassan är särskilt långsökt. Dessa är olika myndigheter med olika mandat och juridiska ramverk. Antydningen att båda myndigheterna skulle samverka för att implementera outtalade politiska direktiv genom sina beslut visar på bristande förståelse för hur svensk offentlig förvaltning fungerar.


Det mest anmärkningsvärda med artikeln är vad som utelämnas: Varför satt Popa i förvar från första början? Vad var grunderna för hans asylansökan? Varför har han inte följt beslutet att lämna Sverige? Dessa avgörande frågor förblir obesvarade, bortprioriterade till förmån för ett förutbestämt narrativ om systemisk orättvisa.


Denna typ av känslomässig, selektiv rapportering underminerar den seriösa debatt som behövs kring migrationspolitik. Noggrann analys ersätts med anekdotiska bevis, logiskt resonemang med känslomässig manipulation, och journalistisk objektivitet med aktivism.


Sveriges migrationssystem är, liksom alla komplexa byråkratier, inte perfekt. Men det förtjänar att kritiseras baserat på fakta och sunt förnuft, inte känslomässiga vädjanden och logiska felslut. Den fundamentala frågan är inte varför Sveriges godkännandegrad för asylansökningar är lägre än EU-genomsnittet, utan huruvida systemet effektivt identifierar och skyddar dem med legitima asylskäl samtidigt som det hanterar dem som saknar giltiga skäl att stanna. Det är den diskussionen som borde föras - inte den förenklade och vinklade bild som Eriksson presenterar.


En liten notis om texten. Denna replik skickades till DN, SvD Debatt samt Fokus. Samtliga redaktioner tackade nej till att publicera den.

The Letter and Its Fatal Folly

The letter in question is a joint declaration by nine EU member states – Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, Finland, Estonia, Latvi...